8月14日雅思閱讀部分考試答案解析 雅思閱讀話題：人文科學(xué) 8月1日雅思閱讀考試真題答案

今天大學(xué)路小編為大家?guī)砹?月14日雅思閱讀部分考試答案解析 雅思閱讀話題：人文科學(xué) 8月1日雅思閱讀考試真題答案，希望能幫助到大家，一起來看看吧！

本文目錄一覽：

• 1、2021年8月14日雅思閱讀部分考試答案解析
• 2、雅思閱讀話題：人文科學(xué)
• 3、2020年8月1日雅思閱讀考試真題答案

2021年8月14日雅思閱讀部分考試答案解析

8月14日的雅思考試已經(jīng)結(jié)束，有許多的留學(xué)生對(duì)于這次的考試真題比較有興趣，想要通過這些雅思真題來了解自己備考的方向。那么就到來看看2021年8月14日雅思考試在閱讀部分的真題解析吧。

一、2021年8月14日雅思閱讀真題與答案

Passage 1

主題：新西蘭木材

參考答案：

1 -6 判斷

1.?FALSE

2.?TRUE

3.?NOT GIVEN

4. FALSE

5.?TRUE

7-13 填空

7. shopping?cost

8. 待回憶

9.?export?sector

10.?60，000

11.?biggest?sector

12. soft word

13.?Scandinavian?countries

14.?Substitute

Passage 2

主題：鳥類使用工具的行為

參考答案：

15?- 21 heading匹配

15.?選 Reviewing?common?belief

16.?選 examples of different?spiecies?of bird＇s intelligence

17. 選 link between?capacity?of using?tools and survival

18. 選?Physiological?evidence?of bird＇s?intellgence

19. 選 link between?cognitive?ability?and society?communal performance

20. 選 white-winged chough

21.?選 how younger birds trick on others

22 -27 匹配

22. 選 New?Caledonian?Crows

23. 選 Black?Kite

24. 選?Black?Kite

25.?選 White-winged?Chough

26. 選?White-winged?Chough

27. 選?New?Caledonian?Crows

二、雅思閱讀考試的技巧

1.快速瀏覽全文

考生最好用1—2分鐘大致瀏覽全文，以便掌握文章的結(jié)構(gòu)。

這一步驟雖短，但卻是訓(xùn)練及解題過程中的重點(diǎn)。文章的篇章結(jié)構(gòu)模式可以幫助考生更好地理解內(nèi)容，并理順句子或段落間的關(guān)系，以便在做題過程中有重點(diǎn)的跳讀。

2.解析題目

首先，無論遇到哪種題型，考生都應(yīng)盡可能地找出一些關(guān)鍵詞，以便迅速定出答案可能所在的區(qū)域。其次，考生應(yīng)對(duì)各種題型有較深入的理解。

尤其是每種題型的應(yīng)對(duì)方法。拿Matching的題來講，在General Reading和Academic Reading中就不一樣，一個(gè)是Matching of Information，另一個(gè)是Matching of Paragraph Headings，兩種題型的做法不一樣，在前者，考生應(yīng)將注意力集中在題中，將每個(gè)問題的核心詞標(biāo)出來，然后根據(jù)這些核心詞去文中找相應(yīng)的信息。

3.注意詞形變化

考生一定要特別注意詞形變化、同（近）義詞或是相關(guān)詞，因?yàn)轭}目中出現(xiàn)的詞不一定和文章中出現(xiàn)的詞一模一樣。

考生在平時(shí)訓(xùn)練中尤其要培養(yǎng)這方面的敏感度。核心詞盡量以信號(hào)詞為主，其次才是關(guān)鍵詞，這一找信息的方法尤其適用于雅思閱讀考試中的“Gap-filling、Table／Graph Filling、Sentence Completion、Short Answer Question、True／False以及Multiple Choice題目。

4.攻克單詞和句子閱讀

IELTS閱讀是考試一大難點(diǎn)，很多考生在閱讀上失手。其主要存在以下幾個(gè)難點(diǎn)：?jiǎn)卧~、句子閱讀、閱讀速度和考生主觀臆斷。

準(zhǔn)備單詞卡片，循環(huán)背誦一般IELTS閱讀中涉及詞匯量比較大，但考生具備4000左右即可應(yīng)考。單詞貧乏的考生，一定要及時(shí)補(bǔ)充詞匯，打下扎實(shí)的基礎(chǔ)。在應(yīng)試時(shí)很容易遺忘或混淆單詞的意義，為了避免類似情況發(fā)生，一定要加強(qiáng)單詞意義的理解。

雅思閱讀話題：人文科學(xué)

很多烤鴨們備考雅思閱讀的時(shí)候發(fā)現(xiàn)即使自己背了很多詞匯，閱讀方法也掌握了不少，但正確率仍舊不是很高，而且速度不夠快。通過實(shí)際教學(xué)經(jīng)驗(yàn)發(fā)現(xiàn)，這其中的一個(gè)主要原因在于烤鴨們對(duì)于雅思閱讀考察的話題不熟悉。為了解決烤鴨們的這個(gè)難題，專家對(duì)雅思閱讀的話題進(jìn)行了歸類總結(jié)，讓烤鴨們?cè)诳紙?chǎng)上找到一種“他鄉(xiāng)遇故人”的感覺，同時(shí)也給出了烤鴨們做閱讀的一些方法建議，讓烤鴨們?cè)诳紙?chǎng)上不只是“他鄉(xiāng)遇故人”更要“知故人”。

經(jīng)過對(duì)歷年的雅思閱讀考試的分析，閱讀話題主要有兩大類，分別是自然科學(xué)類和人文社科類。上文中我們已經(jīng)探討過自然科學(xué)類的話題，本文將重點(diǎn)對(duì)人文科學(xué)類話題的文章進(jìn)行分析。雅思閱讀人文科學(xué)類的話題主要分為三大塊：教育類，語(yǔ)言學(xué)類，發(fā)展史。同時(shí)還會(huì)涉及到企業(yè)管理和心理類。

1. 教育類

首先，教育類的話題一直是雅思考試閱讀部分的熱門話題。在2011年的考試中，主要涉及到了兒童的性格，歐洲女子教育，兒童心理教育，兒童情感發(fā)展，教育方法的研究，噪音對(duì)兒童的影響，兒童文學(xué)，家長(zhǎng)參與教育，天才教育，學(xué)習(xí)歷史的意義。在2012年上半年的考試來看，教育類涉及到了學(xué)術(shù)道德，閱讀方法的探討，年輕人當(dāng)父母，澳大利亞文盲。從去年及今年上半年的教育類話題分析，兒童教育及家庭教育是教育類話題的中心。在劍橋雅思真題集中這類型話題的分布也很廣泛，比如劍橋5 Test3 passage1 “Early Childhood Education”, 這篇文章主要是關(guān)于兒童教育的，講解了兩個(gè)項(xiàng)目'Headstart' programme和'Missouri' programme; 劍橋6 Test4 passage2 “Do Literate Women Make Better Mothers?”, 這篇文章討論了高學(xué)歷女性是否可以是更好的媽媽，有關(guān)兒童的家長(zhǎng)問題。劍橋8 Test4 Passage1 'Land of the Rising Sum' 探討了日本的數(shù)學(xué)教育。

因此，各位烤鴨應(yīng)多關(guān)注一下這類型的文章，如果沒有時(shí)間進(jìn)行課外泛讀，也可以對(duì)劍橋雅思真題集4-8的教育類文章先進(jìn)行限時(shí)訓(xùn)練，做完對(duì)了答案將錯(cuò)誤修改之后，建議烤鴨們?cè)谶@時(shí)千萬(wàn)別以為這篇文章就已經(jīng)做完了，一定要再對(duì)整篇文章進(jìn)行泛讀，每段的大意應(yīng)該知道，并最好用中文標(biāo)在每段后面，然后把每段主題句中的關(guān)鍵詞標(biāo)出來，如果有不認(rèn)識(shí)的最好摘下來。這樣到了考場(chǎng)上才能真正體會(huì)到“他鄉(xiāng)知故人”，否則，只是遇到了但不夠熟悉，做題時(shí)仍然會(huì)比較困難。

2. 語(yǔ)言類

雅思閱讀人文科學(xué)類的第二大話題就是語(yǔ)言類。從2011年全年來看，主要涉及到語(yǔ)言的傳播，筆譯，國(guó)際公司的外語(yǔ)策略培訓(xùn)，語(yǔ)言對(duì)商業(yè)的作用，語(yǔ)言的起源，語(yǔ)言的消失，對(duì)語(yǔ)言發(fā)展的態(tài)度。在 2012年上半年來看，語(yǔ)言類話題主要有交流與文化，語(yǔ)義的理解，雙語(yǔ)學(xué)習(xí)的利弊。從去年到今年上半年，語(yǔ)言類話題主要涉及到了語(yǔ)言對(duì)商業(yè)，文化等的影響，語(yǔ)言的保護(hù)以及語(yǔ)言與教育的結(jié)合。這類型話題在劍橋雅思真題集中也有廣泛分布，比如：劍橋4 Test2 Passage1 Lost for Words, 這篇文章主要講解了少數(shù)語(yǔ)言的消亡，探討了語(yǔ)言消亡的原因以及相應(yīng)的解決辦法。除此之外，劍橋4 Test3 Passage3 Obtaining Linguistic Data也是關(guān)于語(yǔ)言的，這篇文章相對(duì)比較專業(yè)化，講述了獲取語(yǔ)料的方法并討論了這些方法的利弊，但即使這樣做這篇文章時(shí)也不需要理解那些專業(yè)化的詞匯。劍橋5 Test2 Passage3 The Birth of Scientific English, 這篇文章結(jié)合了語(yǔ)言與發(fā)展史，講述了科學(xué)英語(yǔ)的誕生及發(fā)展?？绝唫?cè)谟龅竭@類型的話題時(shí)，很多都會(huì)覺得相當(dāng)困難，除非有些烤鴨們的專業(yè)就是語(yǔ)言學(xué)專業(yè)。因?yàn)檎Z(yǔ)言學(xué)本身就包括了很多分支比如語(yǔ)音學(xué)，詞匯學(xué)，句法學(xué)等等。每一個(gè)分支都會(huì)有很多相關(guān)的專業(yè)術(shù)語(yǔ)，烤鴨們尤其是還在讀高中的小烤鴨們會(huì)覺得異常難懂，但是要記住一點(diǎn)：雅思考試的一大特色就是“非專業(yè)性”。也就是說，雖然考試中會(huì)考到很多有關(guān)語(yǔ)言學(xué)的內(nèi)容，但是大多是關(guān)于語(yǔ)言傳播方式，如何保護(hù)語(yǔ)言等等比較簡(jiǎn)單易懂的方面，并不會(huì)出現(xiàn)太專業(yè)性的內(nèi)容。即使有專業(yè)詞匯出現(xiàn)，也應(yīng)該感到高興，因?yàn)樗鼈儾粫?huì)涉及同意轉(zhuǎn)換。

3. 發(fā)展史

第三類的話題就是有關(guān)各種事物的發(fā)展史。2011年的雅思閱讀考試中主要涉及到了歐洲印刷術(shù)，古人記事，茶的歷史與發(fā)展，加拿大移民史，英國(guó)戰(zhàn)后農(nóng)業(yè)政策，澳大利亞羊毛產(chǎn)業(yè)，非洲部落發(fā)展等。2012年上半年的雅思閱讀考試中主要有管理學(xué)之父彼得德魯克，遠(yuǎn)古電腦，奧運(yùn)火炬演變發(fā)展，劇院，超市模式的誕生，地圖的發(fā)展?fàn)顩r，英國(guó)人的農(nóng)業(yè)發(fā)明-犁地機(jī)，小提琴*，庫(kù)克發(fā)現(xiàn)新大陸。這類型話題在劍橋雅思真題集中也有體現(xiàn)，比如：劍橋5 Test1 Passage1 'Johnson's Dictionary', 這篇文章講述了約翰字典的發(fā)展歷史，相對(duì)來說比較容易理解，而且題目也比較容易做。Test2 Passage1 The Birth of Modern Plastics, 這篇文章論述了現(xiàn)代塑料的發(fā)展歷程，并講解了*過程。專業(yè)術(shù)語(yǔ)較多，但沒有同意轉(zhuǎn)換，因此這些專業(yè)術(shù)語(yǔ)不會(huì)影響做題。劍橋7 Test1 Passage2 'Making Every Drop Count', 這篇文章涉及到了人類用水的情況。劍橋8 Test1 Passage1 A Chronicle of Time Keeping, 這篇文章是很典型的發(fā)展史類的閱讀文章，講述了計(jì)時(shí)器的發(fā)展歷史，講述的是有史以來不同國(guó)家發(fā)明的鐘表和計(jì)時(shí)器，也可當(dāng)作鐘表或計(jì)時(shí)器的發(fā)展史來準(zhǔn)備這個(gè)話題。這類話題是各位烤鴨們必需關(guān)注的話題，原因很簡(jiǎn)單，所有的東西都有歷史、有來由，而且這也是近期考試的一個(gè)主要話題?？忌豢赡軠?zhǔn)備所有的發(fā)展史，但是備考過程中完全放棄又很可惜，所以在所有的發(fā)展史中，那些曾經(jīng)考過的發(fā)展史考生一定要列為重點(diǎn)準(zhǔn)備的內(nèi)容。比如說“Co*etic Painting”講述了化妝品發(fā)展的歷史，從野人時(shí)代到現(xiàn)代，但是講述現(xiàn)代化妝的比較少，主要是對(duì)比古代?！叭祟愗泿诺倪M(jìn)化史”，提到了巴比倫貨幣，中國(guó)貨幣，日本貨幣，非洲貨幣等等，以及劍橋雅思真題集上給出的文章一定要做到。

2020年8月1日雅思閱讀考試真題答案

8月1號(hào)進(jìn)行了八月初的第一場(chǎng)雅思的考試，相信大家對(duì)真題以及答案會(huì)非常的感興趣、今天就由的我為大家介紹2020年8月1日雅思閱讀考試真題答案。

一、考題解析

P1 土地沙漠化

P2 澳大利亞的鸚鵡

P3 多重任務(wù)

二、名師點(diǎn)評(píng)

1.8月份首場(chǎng)考試的難度總體中等，有出現(xiàn)比較多的配對(duì)題，沒有出現(xiàn)Heading題，其余主要以常規(guī)的填空，判斷和選擇題為主。文章的話題和題型搭配也是在劍橋真題中都有跡可循，所以備考重心依然還是劍橋官方真題。

2. 整體分析：涉及環(huán)境類（P1）、動(dòng)物類（P2）、社科類（P3）。

本次考試的P2和P3均為舊題。P2是動(dòng)物類的話題，題型組合為：段落細(xì)節(jié)配對(duì)+單選+summary填空，難度中等。題型上也延續(xù)19年的出題特點(diǎn)，出現(xiàn)配對(duì)題，考察定位速度和準(zhǔn)確度。P3也出現(xiàn)了段落細(xì)節(jié)配對(duì)，主要是段落細(xì)節(jié)配對(duì)+單選+判斷。三種題型難度中等，但是文章理解起來略有難度。

3. 部分答案及參考文章：

Passage 1：土地沙漠化

題型及答案待確認(rèn)

Passage 2：澳大利亞的鸚鵡

題型：段落細(xì)節(jié)配對(duì)+單選+Summary填空

技巧分析：由于段落細(xì)節(jié)配對(duì)是完全亂序出題，在定位時(shí)需要先做后面的單選題及填空題，最大化利用已讀信息來確定答案，盡量避免重復(fù)閱讀，以保證充分的做題時(shí)間。

文章內(nèi)容及題目參考：

A 概況，關(guān)于一個(gè)大的生物種類

B 一些物種消失的原因，題干關(guān)鍵詞：an example of one bird species extinct

C 一種鸚鵡不能自己存活，以捕食另一種鳥為生，吃該鳥類的蛋。題干關(guān)鍵詞：two species competed at the expense of oneanother

D 吸引鸚鵡的原因以及鸚鵡嘴的特點(diǎn)。題干關(guān)鍵詞：*ysis of reasons as Australian landscapeattract parrots

E 植物是如何適應(yīng)鸚鵡。題干關(guān)鍵詞：plants attract birds which make the animal adaptto the environment

F 南半球?qū)τ⒄Z(yǔ)的影響

G 兩種鸚鵡從環(huán)境改變中獲益并存活下來。題干關(guān)鍵詞：two species of parrots benefit fromm theenvironment change

H 外來物種及本地鸚鵡

I 鳥類棲息地被破壞以及人類采取的措施

J 作者對(duì)于鸚鵡問題的態(tài)度

單選題：

why parrots in the whole world are lineal descendants of

選項(xiàng)關(guān)鍵詞：continent split from Africa

the writer thinks parrots species beak is for

選項(xiàng)關(guān)鍵詞：adjust to their suitable diet

which one is not mentioned

選項(xiàng)關(guān)鍵詞：should be frequently maintained

填空題：分布在文章的前兩段

one-sixth

16th century

mapmaker

John Gould

Passage 3：多重任務(wù)

題型：段落細(xì)節(jié)配對(duì)+單選+判斷

參考答案及文章

28 F

29I

30C

31B

32G

33C

34B

35A

36YES

37YES

38NO

39NOT GIVEN

40NO

Passage3： multitasking

Multitasking Debate—Can you do them at the same time？

Talking on the phone while driving isn＇t the only situationwhere we＇re worse at multitasking than we might like to think we are. Newstudies have identified a bottleneck in our brains that some say means we arefundamentally incapable of true multitasking. If experimental findings reflectreal-world performance， people who think they are multitasking are probablyjust underperforming in all-or at best， all but one -of their parallelpursuits. Practice might improve your performance， but you will never be asgood as when focusing on one task at a time.

The problem， according to René Marois， a psychologist atVanderbilt University in Nashville， Tennessee， is that there＇s a sticking pointin the brain. To demonstrate this， Marois devised an experiment to locate nteers watch a screen and when a particular image appears， a red circle，say， they have to press a key with their index finger. Different colouredcircles require presses from different fingers. Typical response time is about half a second， and thevolunteers quickly reach their peak performance. Then they learn to listen todifferent recordings and respond by making a specific sound. For instance， whenthey hear a bird chirp， they have to say ＂ba＂； an electronic soundshould elicit a ＂ko＂， and so on. Again， no problem. A normal personcan do that in about half a second， with almost no effort. The trouble comeswhen Marois shows the volunteers an image， then almost immediately plays them asound. Now they＇re flummoxed. ＂If you show an image and play a sound atthe same time， one task is postponed，＂ he says. In fact，if the second taskis introduced within the half-second or so it takes to process and react to thefirst， it will simply be delayed until the first one is done. The largestdual-task delays occur when the two tasks are presented simultaneously； delaysprogressively shorten as the interval between presenting the tasks lengthens（See Diagram）.

There are at least three points where we seem to getstuck， says Marois. The first is in simply identifying what we＇re looking ?can take a few tenths of a second， during which time we are not able tosee and recognise a second item. This limitation is known as the＂attentional blink＂： experiments have shown that if you＇re watchingout for a particular event and a second one shows up unexpectedly any timewithin this crucial window of concentration， it may register in your visualcortex but you will be unable to act upon it. Interestingly， if you don＇texpect the first event， you have no trouble responding to the second. Whatexactly causes the attentional blink is still a matter for debate.

A second limitation is in our short-term visual ＇s estimated that we can keep track of about four items at a time， fewer ifthey are complex. This capacity shortage is thought to explain， in part， our astonishinginability to detect even huge changes in scenes that are otherwise identical，so-called ＂change blindness＂. Show people pairs of near-identicalphotos -say， aircraft engines in one picture have disappeared in the other -andthey will fail to spot the differences （if you don＇t believe it， check out theclips at /~rensink/flicker/download）. Here again， though， thereis disagreement about what the essential limiting factor really is. Does itcome down to a dearth of storage capacity， or is it about how much attention aviewer is paying？

A third limitation is that choosing a response to astimulus -braking when you see a child in the road， for instance，or replyingwhen your mother tells you over the phone that she＇s thinking of leaving yourdad -also takes brainpower. Selecting a response to one of these things willdelay by some tenths of a second your ability to respond to the other. This iscalled the ＂response selection bottleneck＂ theory， first proposed in1952.

Last December， Marois and his colleagues published apaper arguing that this bottleneck is in fact created in two different areas ofthe brain： one in the posterior lateral prefrontal cortex and another in thesuperior medial frontal cortex （Neuron， vol 52， p 1109）. They found this byscanning people＇s brains with functional MRI while the subjects struggled tochoose among eight possible responses to each of two closely timed tasks. Theydiscovered that these brain areas are not tied to any particular sense but aregenerally involved in selecting responses， and they seemed to queue theseresponses when presented with multiple tasks concurrently.

Bottleneck？ What bottleneck？

But David Meyer， a psychologist at the University ofMichigan， Ann Arbor， doesn＇t buy the bottleneck idea. He thinks dual-taskinterference is just evidence of a strategy used by the brain to prioritisemultiple activities. Meyer is known as something of an optimist by his ?has written papers with titles like ＂Virtually perfect time-sharing indual-task performance： Uncorking the central cognitive bottleneck＂（Psychological Science， vol 12， p101）. His experiments have shown that withenough practice -at least 2000 tries -some people can execute two taskssimultaneously as competently as if they were doing them one after the ?suggests that there is a central cognitive processor that coordinates allthis and， what＇s more， he thinks it uses discretion： sometimes it chooses todelay one task while completing another.

Even with practice， not all people manage to achieve thisharmonious time-share， however. Meyer argues that individual differences comedown to variations in the character of the processor -some brains are just more＂cautious＂， some more ＂daring＂. And despite urban legend，there are no noticeable

differences between men and women. So， according to him，it＇s not a central bottleneck that causes dual-task interference， but rather＂adaptive executive control＂， which ＂schedules task processesappropriately to obey instructions about their relative priorities and serialorder＂.

Marois agrees that practice can sometimes eraseinterference effects. He has found that with just 1 hour of practice each dayfor two weeks， volunteers show a huge improvement at managing both his tasks atonce. Where he disagrees with Meyer is in what the brain is doing to achievethis. Marois speculates that practice might give us the chance to find lesscongested circuits to execute a task -rather like finding trusty back streetsto avoid heavy traffic on main roads -effectively making our response to thetask subconscious. After all， there are plenty of examples of subconsciou*ultitasking that most of us routinely manage： walking and talking， eating andreading， watching TV and folding the laundry.

But while some dual tasks benefit from practice， otherssimply do not. ＂Certain kinds of tasks are really hard to do two atonce，＂ says Pierre Jolicoeur at the University of Montreal， Canada， whoalso studies multitasking. Dual tasks involving a visual stimulus andskeletal-motor response （which he dubs ＂in the eye and out the hand＂）and an auditory stimulus with a verbal response （＂in the ear and out themouth＂） do seem to be amenable to practice， he says. Jolicoeur has foundthat with enough training such tasks can be performed as well together asapart. He speculates that the brain connections that they use may be somehowspecial， because we learn to speak by hearing and learn to move by looking. Butpair visual input with a verbal response， or sound to motor， and there＇s nodramatic improvement. ＂It looks like no amount of practice will allow youto combine these，＂ he says.

For research purposes， these experiments have to be keptsimple. Real-world multitasking poses much greater challenges. Even the upbeatMeyer is sceptical about how a lot of us live our lives. Instant-messaging andtrying to do your homework？ ＂It can＇t be done，＂ he says. Conducting ajob interview while answering emails？ ＂There＇s no way you wind up being asgood.＂ Needless to say， there appear to be no researchers in the area ofmultitasking who believe that you can safely drive a car and carry on a phoneconversation. In fact， last year David Strayer at the University of Utah inSalt Lake City reported that people using cellphones drive no better thandrunks （Human Factors， vol 48， p 381）. In another study， Strayer found thatusing a hands-free kit did not improve a driver＇s response time. He concludedthat what distracts a driver so badly is the very act of talking to someone whoisn＇t present in the car and therefore is unaware of the hazards facing thedriver.

“No researchers believe it＇s safe to drive a car andcarry on a phone conversation”

It probably comes as no surprise that， generallyspeaking， we get worse at multitasking as we age. According to Art Kramer atthe University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign， who studies how ageing affectsour cognitive abilities， we peak in our 20s. Though the decline is slow throughour 30s and on into our 50s， it is there； and after 55， it becomes moreprecipitous. In one study， he and his colleagues had both young and oldparticipants do a simulated driving task while carrying on a conversation. Hefound that while young drivers tended to miss background changes， older driversfailed to notice things that were highly relevant. Likewise， older subjects hadmore trouble paying attention to the more important parts of a scene than youngdrivers.

It＇s not all bad news for over-55s， though. Kramer alsofound that older people can benefit from practice. Not only did they learn toperform better， brain scans showed that underlying that improvement was achange in the way their brains become active.

Whileit＇s clear that practice can often make a difference， especially as we age， thebasic facts remain sobering. ＂We have this impression of an almightycomplex brain，＂ says Marois， ＂and yet we have very humbling andcrippling limits.＂ For most of our history， we probably never needed to domore than one thing at a time， he says， and so we haven＇t evolved to be ableto. Perhaps we will in future， though. We might yet look back one day on peoplelike Debbie and Alun as ancestors of a new breed of true multitaskers.

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