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來(lái)自劍橋雅思8真題聽(tīng)力 Test2(4-2)句子翻譯(劍橋雅思閱讀)

更新:2023年12月09日 17:45 大學(xué)路

今天大學(xué)路小編整理了來(lái)自劍橋雅思8真題聽(tīng)力 Test2(4-2)句子翻譯(劍橋雅思閱讀)相關(guān)信息,希望在這方面能夠更好幫助到大家。

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來(lái)自劍橋雅思8真題聽(tīng)力 Test2(4-2)句子翻譯(劍橋雅思閱讀)

來(lái)自劍橋雅思8真題聽(tīng)力 Test2(4-2)句子翻譯

目前看來(lái),在英國(guó),盡管報(bào)紙持續(xù)報(bào)道人們對(duì)醫(yī)療福利不滿意,實(shí)際上人們主要是對(duì)在醫(yī)院實(shí)施的,屬于第三級(jí)的醫(yī)療表示擔(dān)憂。各個(gè)級(jí)別的的管理改革問(wèn)題已經(jīng)被提交議案,盡管能否改革成功不能保證。實(shí)際上,長(zhǎng)期的醫(yī)院護(hù)理問(wèn)題可能并沒(méi)有媒體鼓吹的那么嚴(yán)重。然而我仍然拿到了一些數(shù)據(jù),可以仔細(xì)看一看其中的問(wèn)題。
當(dāng)然,我會(huì)做一些比我本來(lái)打算的更加深入的研究用來(lái)回答一個(gè)問(wèn)題:人們是需要更多的社區(qū)醫(yī)護(hù)人員投入,還是相反的,更少的醫(yī)護(hù)人員投入,但是更大,更關(guān)鍵的醫(yī)療單元投入。

劍橋雅思閱讀

因?yàn)閯蛳盗幸恢笔强脊俸脱潘伎忌臉蛄?,也注定?huì)是雅思考試的風(fēng)向標(biāo),劍九的出版,豐富了考生的備考資料。
那么,《劍九》中傳遞了哪樣的信息,延續(xù)了劍橋家族中哪些不變,又呈現(xiàn)了哪些變化,以及劍九對(duì)現(xiàn)在的雅思考試究竟有哪些指導(dǎo)意義?該如何有效而高效的利用起這本真題集,來(lái)實(shí)現(xiàn)內(nèi)功與考試高分雙增長(zhǎng)的目標(biāo)?
延續(xù)閱讀經(jīng)典題型
之前學(xué)生中道聽(tīng)途說(shuō)有很多猜忌,說(shuō)在留學(xué)大潮的當(dāng)下,雅思考試為了選拔人才,會(huì)在2013年有所變革。
縱觀《劍九》中收錄的四套高水準(zhǔn)的劍橋真題,各位考生大可不必慌張,雅思考試在今年,乃至可預(yù)見(jiàn)的2014年,這兩年題型上應(yīng)該不會(huì)有新題型出現(xiàn),依然會(huì)延續(xù)劍橋家族中的經(jīng)典題型。
雅思官網(wǎng)上把閱讀部分題型分成十種,總體上分為五種大題型,和五種小題型。
前者分別是LIST OF HEADINGS 選段意題;MATCHING搭配題;TRUE,F(xiàn)ALSE,NOT GIVEN OR YES,NO,NOT GIVEN判斷題,MULTIPLE CHOICE選擇題 和SUMMARY填空題。
那么五種小題型大部分是大題型SUMMARY的延續(xù),比如填圖表,填流程,看圖填詞,句子填空,和簡(jiǎn)答題。
大題型不能存在僥幸心里,五個(gè)題型都應(yīng)該將解題思路爛熟于心,以在考場(chǎng)上迅速切換思路,爭(zhēng)取速度,力求準(zhǔn)確。
《劍九》文章收錄最新
《劍四》、《劍五》中的文章主要集中在2001-2003這三年;《劍六》主要來(lái)自2004-2005年,《劍七》多數(shù)是2006年和2007年這兩年,于是《劍八》中收錄的文章,主要是考場(chǎng)上2008年考過(guò)的文章,部分來(lái)自2007年,個(gè)別來(lái)自2009年,這次《劍九》中收錄的文章,比對(duì)了以往的考題,主要來(lái)自2009年,個(gè)別來(lái)自2011年和2012年。
其中有兩篇文章在考場(chǎng)上考察了不下四次,這次也光榮退休到《劍九》的真題集中:IS THERE ANYBODY OUT THERE? (《搜索外星生物》 來(lái)自2002年,2004年6月26日,2007年1月20日,2009年12月19日),和另外一篇 Venus in transit 《金星凌日》來(lái)自2007年5月19日,2008年6月21日,2009年2月28日和2012年4月28日)這就印證了我們一貫的猜測(cè),考場(chǎng)上依然有很多舊題在用,有的甚至能用到4次才退休。
所以我們點(diǎn)題班上為學(xué)員整理的內(nèi)容,還是十分有用的。雖然劍九中收錄的文章較以往劍橋系列已經(jīng)為最新的了(多為2009年),但是很多不了解雅思出題動(dòng)態(tài)的同學(xué)依然不滿足,期待能多出現(xiàn)2012年或2011年的題目。
其實(shí)這是并無(wú)意義的,在雅思考試中,文章文本只是依托,我們的任務(wù)是做題得分。
結(jié)合了2012年全年47場(chǎng)考試141篇閱讀文章,我們還是能夠洞察出這次劍橋大學(xué)考試委員會(huì)在編篡劍九的時(shí)候還是用了心思的,他們側(cè)重了題型的分配,對(duì)現(xiàn)在備考有很大的指導(dǎo)作用。
透露題型考察重點(diǎn)
就大題型而言List of headings 題目數(shù)量驟降,與2012年全年的7%數(shù)字吻合,體現(xiàn)驟降。
Matching題普遍上升,與2012年全年25%的數(shù)字,即每次考試近乎10道搭配題,數(shù)量一致,其中人名配理論為普通搭配型的重中之重,《劍九》中一共有兩道大題是普通型的搭配,通通都是人名配理論。
另外搭配題中的段落配相關(guān)信息型飆升(即如下幾個(gè)信息在原文中哪個(gè)自然段有所提及型),請(qǐng)廣大考生注意備考側(cè)重。
其它的題型,判斷題仍然占有絕對(duì)優(yōu)勢(shì),Multiple choice 單多選題, 并無(wú)出眾表現(xiàn)。SUMMARY 從數(shù)量上較以往劍橋系列有所下降,但是結(jié)合了它繁衍成的小題型來(lái)看一點(diǎn)都不少。
那么小題型中,《劍九》中雖沒(méi)有出現(xiàn)表格題,但這對(duì)我們絲毫沒(méi)有影響,因?yàn)楸砀耦}直接套用填空題的方法即可。
不過(guò)有意思的是,簡(jiǎn)答題象一匹黑馬沖了出來(lái),其它的劍橋系列都沒(méi)怎么出題的簡(jiǎn)答題,在《劍九》中大量出現(xiàn),有兩點(diǎn)發(fā)現(xiàn):
第一,完善了劍橋系列的閱讀題型,針對(duì)簡(jiǎn)答題讓考生有題可練,有題能練,而且能夠通過(guò)劍九練透。
第二,讓考生意識(shí)到,稍微方法不同與SUMMARY的小題型考察數(shù)量在增加,除了簡(jiǎn)答,完成句子中類似普通MATCHING題的比重也有所增加。
這個(gè)趨勢(shì)已經(jīng)從2013年的頭幾個(gè)月考試中能夠顯露出來(lái)。
如何高效利用《劍九》?
考前兩周當(dāng)真題沖刺用,結(jié)合聽(tīng)力部分,完全利用《劍九》當(dāng)模擬題來(lái)考察自己的能力。
建議??紩r(shí)間設(shè)定在周一和周三,周二和周四進(jìn)行分析,周五查漏補(bǔ)缺,周六親臨考場(chǎng)。
做題順序建議:按順序即可:Test1- Test2-Test3-Test4 等級(jí)為: 中——難——難——中。解釋一下,第一套用中等水平題目驗(yàn)證一下自己復(fù)習(xí)的是否充分有效,如果不如預(yù)期,停下來(lái)分析劍橋6,7,8做過(guò)的題目。
分析好了以后再回來(lái)操作劍九第二套,而后第三套,經(jīng)歷了難度遞增之后,最后臨考前加強(qiáng)信心,做第四套。
每每做完套題都不要立刻對(duì)答案,這樣就不可避免的會(huì)對(duì)著答案往文章里去思考,從而不能達(dá)到能力的提高。
應(yīng)該采取三步走,第一步,先嚴(yán)格計(jì)時(shí)做,第二步再可放松時(shí)間延時(shí)做,最后第三步翻著字典做。
三遍都經(jīng)歷之后,才可核對(duì)答案,記錄下三次的答案是否有出入,找到自己的不足。
延時(shí)后能多對(duì)幾個(gè)的,說(shuō)明語(yǔ)言還不錯(cuò),可能方法上有漏洞,以至于一卡時(shí)間,語(yǔ)言就發(fā)揮不出來(lái)了。
查字典后能多對(duì)上幾個(gè)的,說(shuō)明內(nèi)功不足,這樣短時(shí)間大體上就可以找到自己的問(wèn)題。
然后需要靜下心來(lái),認(rèn)真分析。錯(cuò)題對(duì)題都需要回原文,定位分析,推敲答案。
詳情,201303/11/3909.html查看。

2020年8月1日雅思閱讀考試真題答案

8月1號(hào)進(jìn)行了八月初的第一場(chǎng)雅思的考試,相信大家對(duì)真題以及答案會(huì)非常的感興趣、今天就由的我為大家介紹2020年8月1日雅思閱讀考試真題答案。

一、考題解析

P1 土地沙漠化

P2 澳大利亞的鸚鵡

P3 多重任務(wù)

二、名師點(diǎn)評(píng)

1.8月份首場(chǎng)考試的難度總體中等,有出現(xiàn)比較多的配對(duì)題,沒(méi)有出現(xiàn)Heading題,其余主要以常規(guī)的填空,判斷和選擇題為主。文章的話題和題型搭配也是在劍橋真題中都有跡可循,所以備考重心依然還是劍橋官方真題。

2. 整體分析:涉及環(huán)境類(P1)、動(dòng)物類(P2)、社科類(P3)。

本次考試的P2和P3均為舊題。P2是動(dòng)物類的話題,題型組合為:段落細(xì)節(jié)配對(duì)+單選+summary填空,難度中等。題型上也延續(xù)19年的出題特點(diǎn),出現(xiàn)配對(duì)題,考察定位速度和準(zhǔn)確度。P3也出現(xiàn)了段落細(xì)節(jié)配對(duì),主要是段落細(xì)節(jié)配對(duì)+單選+判斷。三種題型難度中等,但是文章理解起來(lái)略有難度。

3. 部分答案及參考文章:

Passage 1:土地沙漠化

題型及答案待確認(rèn)

Passage 2:澳大利亞的鸚鵡

題型:段落細(xì)節(jié)配對(duì)+單選+Summary填空

技巧分析:由于段落細(xì)節(jié)配對(duì)是完全亂序出題,在定位時(shí)需要先做后面的單選題及填空題,最大化利用已讀信息來(lái)確定答案,盡量避免重復(fù)閱讀,以保證充分的做題時(shí)間。

文章內(nèi)容及題目參考:

A 概況,關(guān)于一個(gè)大的生物種類

B 一些物種消失的原因,題干關(guān)鍵詞:an example of one bird species extinct

C 一種鸚鵡不能自己存活,以捕食另一種鳥(niǎo)為生,吃該鳥(niǎo)類的蛋。題干關(guān)鍵詞:two species competed at the expense of oneanother

D 吸引鸚鵡的原因以及鸚鵡嘴的特點(diǎn)。題干關(guān)鍵詞:*ysis of reasons as Australian landscapeattract parrots

E 植物是如何適應(yīng)鸚鵡。題干關(guān)鍵詞:plants attract birds which make the animal adaptto the environment

F 南半球?qū)τ⒄Z(yǔ)的影響

G 兩種鸚鵡從環(huán)境改變中獲益并存活下來(lái)。題干關(guān)鍵詞:two species of parrots benefit fromm theenvironment change

H 外來(lái)物種及本地鸚鵡

I 鳥(niǎo)類棲息地被破壞以及人類采取的措施

J 作者對(duì)于鸚鵡問(wèn)題的態(tài)度

單選題:

why parrots in the whole world are lineal descendants of

選項(xiàng)關(guān)鍵詞:continent split from Africa

the writer thinks parrots species beak is for

選項(xiàng)關(guān)鍵詞:adjust to their suitable diet

which one is not mentioned

選項(xiàng)關(guān)鍵詞:should be frequently maintained

填空題:分布在文章的前兩段

one-sixth

16th century

mapmaker

John Gould

Passage 3:多重任務(wù)

題型:段落細(xì)節(jié)配對(duì)+單選+判斷

參考答案及文章

28 F

29I

30C

31B

32G

33C

34B

35A

36YES

37YES

38NO

39NOT GIVEN

40NO

Passage3: multitasking

Multitasking Debate—Can you do them at the same time?

Talking on the phone while driving isn't the only situationwhere we're worse at multitasking than we might like to think we are. Newstudies have identified a bottleneck in our brains that some say means we arefundamentally incapable of true multitasking. If experimental findings reflectreal-world performance, people who think they are multitasking are probablyjust underperforming in all-or at best, all but one -of their parallelpursuits. Practice might improve your performance, but you will never be asgood as when focusing on one task at a time.

The problem, according to René Marois, a psychologist atVanderbilt University in Nashville, Tennessee, is that there's a sticking pointin the brain. To demonstrate this, Marois devised an experiment to locate nteers watch a screen and when a particular image appears, a red circle,say, they have to press a key with their index finger. Different colouredcircles require presses from different fingers. Typical response time is about half a second, and thevolunteers quickly reach their peak performance. Then they learn to listen todifferent recordings and respond by making a specific sound. For instance, whenthey hear a bird chirp, they have to say "ba"; an electronic soundshould elicit a "ko", and so on. Again, no problem. A normal personcan do that in about half a second, with almost no effort. The trouble comeswhen Marois shows the volunteers an image, then almost immediately plays them asound. Now they're flummoxed. "If you show an image and play a sound atthe same time, one task is postponed," he says. In fact,if the second taskis introduced within the half-second or so it takes to process and react to thefirst, it will simply be delayed until the first one is done. The largestdual-task delays occur when the two tasks are presented simultaneously; delaysprogressively shorten as the interval between presenting the tasks lengthens(See Diagram).

There are at least three points where we seem to getstuck, says Marois. The first is in simply identifying what we're looking ?can take a few tenths of a second, during which time we are not able tosee and recognise a second item. This limitation is known as the"attentional blink": experiments have shown that if you're watchingout for a particular event and a second one shows up unexpectedly any timewithin this crucial window of concentration, it may register in your visualcortex but you will be unable to act upon it. Interestingly, if you don'texpect the first event, you have no trouble responding to the second. Whatexactly causes the attentional blink is still a matter for debate.

A second limitation is in our short-term visual 's estimated that we can keep track of about four items at a time, fewer ifthey are complex. This capacity shortage is thought to explain, in part, our astonishinginability to detect even huge changes in scenes that are otherwise identical,so-called "change blindness". Show people pairs of near-identicalphotos -say, aircraft engines in one picture have disappeared in the other -andthey will fail to spot the differences (if you don't believe it, check out theclips at /~rensink/flicker/download). Here again, though, thereis disagreement about what the essential limiting factor really is. Does itcome down to a dearth of storage capacity, or is it about how much attention aviewer is paying?

A third limitation is that choosing a response to astimulus -braking when you see a child in the road, for instance,or replyingwhen your mother tells you over the phone that she's thinking of leaving yourdad -also takes brainpower. Selecting a response to one of these things willdelay by some tenths of a second your ability to respond to the other. This iscalled the "response selection bottleneck" theory, first proposed in1952.

Last December, Marois and his colleagues published apaper arguing that this bottleneck is in fact created in two different areas ofthe brain: one in the posterior lateral prefrontal cortex and another in thesuperior medial frontal cortex (Neuron, vol 52, p 1109). They found this byscanning people's brains with functional MRI while the subjects struggled tochoose among eight possible responses to each of two closely timed tasks. Theydiscovered that these brain areas are not tied to any particular sense but aregenerally involved in selecting responses, and they seemed to queue theseresponses when presented with multiple tasks concurrently.

Bottleneck? What bottleneck?

But David Meyer, a psychologist at the University ofMichigan, Ann Arbor, doesn't buy the bottleneck idea. He thinks dual-taskinterference is just evidence of a strategy used by the brain to prioritisemultiple activities. Meyer is known as something of an optimist by his ?has written papers with titles like "Virtually perfect time-sharing indual-task performance: Uncorking the central cognitive bottleneck"(Psychological Science, vol 12, p101). His experiments have shown that withenough practice -at least 2000 tries -some people can execute two taskssimultaneously as competently as if they were doing them one after the ?suggests that there is a central cognitive processor that coordinates allthis and, what's more, he thinks it uses discretion: sometimes it chooses todelay one task while completing another.

Even with practice, not all people manage to achieve thisharmonious time-share, however. Meyer argues that individual differences comedown to variations in the character of the processor -some brains are just more"cautious", some more "daring". And despite urban legend,there are no noticeable

differences between men and women. So, according to him,it's not a central bottleneck that causes dual-task interference, but rather"adaptive executive control", which "schedules task processesappropriately to obey instructions about their relative priorities and serialorder".

Marois agrees that practice can sometimes eraseinterference effects. He has found that with just 1 hour of practice each dayfor two weeks, volunteers show a huge improvement at managing both his tasks atonce. Where he disagrees with Meyer is in what the brain is doing to achievethis. Marois speculates that practice might give us the chance to find lesscongested circuits to execute a task -rather like finding trusty back streetsto avoid heavy traffic on main roads -effectively making our response to thetask subconscious. After all, there are plenty of examples of subconsciou*ultitasking that most of us routinely manage: walking and talking, eating andreading, watching TV and folding the laundry.

But while some dual tasks benefit from practice, otherssimply do not. "Certain kinds of tasks are really hard to do two atonce," says Pierre Jolicoeur at the University of Montreal, Canada, whoalso studies multitasking. Dual tasks involving a visual stimulus andskeletal-motor response (which he dubs "in the eye and out the hand")and an auditory stimulus with a verbal response ("in the ear and out themouth") do seem to be amenable to practice, he says. Jolicoeur has foundthat with enough training such tasks can be performed as well together asapart. He speculates that the brain connections that they use may be somehowspecial, because we learn to speak by hearing and learn to move by looking. Butpair visual input with a verbal response, or sound to motor, and there's nodramatic improvement. "It looks like no amount of practice will allow youto combine these," he says.

For research purposes, these experiments have to be keptsimple. Real-world multitasking poses much greater challenges. Even the upbeatMeyer is sceptical about how a lot of us live our lives. Instant-messaging andtrying to do your homework? "It can't be done," he says. Conducting ajob interview while answering emails? "There's no way you wind up being asgood." Needless to say, there appear to be no researchers in the area ofmultitasking who believe that you can safely drive a car and carry on a phoneconversation. In fact, last year David Strayer at the University of Utah inSalt Lake City reported that people using cellphones drive no better thandrunks (Human Factors, vol 48, p 381). In another study, Strayer found thatusing a hands-free kit did not improve a driver's response time. He concludedthat what distracts a driver so badly is the very act of talking to someone whoisn't present in the car and therefore is unaware of the hazards facing thedriver.

“No researchers believe it's safe to drive a car andcarry on a phone conversation”

It probably comes as no surprise that, generallyspeaking, we get worse at multitasking as we age. According to Art Kramer atthe University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, who studies how ageing affectsour cognitive abilities, we peak in our 20s. Though the decline is slow throughour 30s and on into our 50s, it is there; and after 55, it becomes moreprecipitous. In one study, he and his colleagues had both young and oldparticipants do a simulated driving task while carrying on a conversation. Hefound that while young drivers tended to miss background changes, older driversfailed to notice things that were highly relevant. Likewise, older subjects hadmore trouble paying attention to the more important parts of a scene than youngdrivers.

It's not all bad news for over-55s, though. Kramer alsofound that older people can benefit from practice. Not only did they learn toperform better, brain scans showed that underlying that improvement was achange in the way their brains become active.

Whileit's clear that practice can often make a difference, especially as we age, thebasic facts remain sobering. "We have this impression of an almightycomplex brain," says Marois, "and yet we have very humbling andcrippling limits." For most of our history, we probably never needed to domore than one thing at a time, he says, and so we haven't evolved to be ableto. Perhaps we will in future, though. We might yet look back one day on peoplelike Debbie and Alun as ancestors of a new breed of true multitaskers.

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